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Thursday, November 16, 2017

Another Black Friday begins— and we have a crass commercial orgy for capitalism

Each year Black Friday, that crass commercial kick off to the Christmas shopping season, starts at different times. This year they want to start it tomorrow a full week before Thanksgiving. Thanksgiving is the usual kick off holiday to the shopping holiday. Thanksgiving is its own holiday with its own traditions. It is usually hi-jacked by Corporate America, which uses this tradition to make huge profits.  This year retail shopping outlets want to start a week early. This is the most important shopping day to US corporations that want to make their top-line of profits for the holiday seasons. The holidays have their own meanings, but Corporate America wants and feels the need to make a huge profit this year and every year. It is capitalisms most disgusting display of greed and it happens every year in the US.  

Addam's Family Values Thanksgiving Play

Bad News - Cashing In On Christmas

US- We still need to end that miserable imperialist occupation of Afghanistan

The War in Afghanistan is going strong and yet the media has either ignored it or endorsed it in some subtle way. This group in Wichita Kansas, US, Peace and Social Justice Center of South Central Kansas, is trying to remind people that we need to end this miserable imperialist war. -សតិវ​ អតុ
No automatic alt text available.

Saturday, November 11, 2017

US Retro Music- Military Madness - Graham Nash & Stephen Stills (Live)

Dedicated to Veteran's Day. This message is as relevant today as it was in May 1971. The Vietnam War was still being waged by the US back then. -សតិវ​ អតុ 

Friday, November 10, 2017

Veteran’s Day—I won’t be thanking you (soldiers) for my freedom—it doesn’t come from you!

As I watch TV I notice more and more and more commercials that claim to honour our vets. The news media, radio, TV, especially, and our newspapers all glorify or cover people who glorify our vets.
I work in the Wichita School System and they have pro-vet signs all over the school, many that encourage our kids to “say thank you to a vet.”
I don’t mean to disrespect vets, but I won’t be thanking them. Here are specific things that I won’t be thanking them for—>
Stealing and ivading people’s countries in Iraq and Afghanistan. I don’t appreciate that we illegally occupy two countries. We are vettting those who enter the political elections in those countries that we laughingly lable as “democraies.”
Ripping off the Kurds who bravely fought against ISIS for us and then found out the US and its allies have no inentions of giving them any more autonomy then they already have.
The use of drones to kill suspected terrorist leaders along with their families, children and friends who happen to be nearby.
Cheap oil and other resources that we get first, before the people who live in those countries.
A greater standard of living that people in this country take for grated, but those in foreign countries, as in Bangladesh, live as if they are stuck in the 1800s.
As far as I’m concerned this country has robbed people of their dignity and respect so that the US can play god.
The only people defending our freedoms are the American Civil Libery Union and a few other groups who are the ones who really fight for our freedom. Not the soldiers who defend the US Empire.

Pictures of the dead-

Pix by Daily Mail:
Cleared: A Gurkha has been returned to duty after he beheaded a Taliban gunman with—

Pix by Pakistan Today.

Thursday, November 09, 2017


Translated by Google and សតិវ​ អតុ 

The Communist Party of Ecuador Sun-Red, salutes our all-powerful ideology: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism with the contributions of universal validity of Gonzalo Thought.

We greet President Gonzalo, head of the red fraction of the International Communist Movement (MCI) and the world proletarian revolution.

We salute the international proletariat and the international communist movement, the people's wars in Peru, Turkey, India and the Philippines, the communist parties that lead them; to militarized Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties in the process of construction or reconstitution whose nature of being is the people's war for the construction of new power and the defeat of imperialism.

We salute the heroic national liberation struggles of the peoples oppressed by imperialism, the basis and main force of the world revolution.

Today the international proletariat celebrates the one hundredth anniversary of the triumph of the proletarian revolution in Russia, and how can it be otherwise, the proletariat, poor peasants and exploited masses of Ecuador join this great celebration whose purpose transcends mere remembrance to wield it as the basis of all true revolutions whose final purpose will always be communism.

There is no doubt that the Bolshevik revolution, under the correct leadership of VI Lenin, had the capacity to imprint a different character on the revolutionary processes that preceded it, it did not operate basically on the old state as an instrument of domination and support of old production relations, exploiters, but it dealt a mortal blow to the private property on the means of production, converting it, in that way, into a real revolution, a task that was only and only possible under the ideological leadership of the proletariat.

We celebrate the hundred years of the October epic on a planet burned in conflicts, with contradictions between oppressed and oppressed countries sharpened to the maximum; with differences of class exposed in the social character of the production and the private appropriation of this, whose antagonistic and irreconcilable character have also been elevated to their maximum expression and that summons to be resolved with urgency with popular war; with poor peasant masses, without land, tied to semi-feudal, subservient relations of production, who cry out for the alliance with their leading force, the proletariat, to bury old forms of exploitation that prevail in most countries of the world.

We celebrate the hundred years of the October epic, precisely when imperialism, in all its manifestations, is mortally wounded, putrid, whose decomposition is evidence of the greatest aggression against the peoples and nations of the world as a strategy in its new and dramatic split of the planet.

We celebrate the one hundred years of the great proletarian revolution of October strengthened, because we have the best legacy of Lenin, of that red October: the leadership and proletarian force in all our purposes; the absolute certainty that with correct ideological direction the revolution is possible, that the dawn is on the horizon and that power has ceased to be a temptation to become a reality that is gradually reflected with revolutionary violence, with people's war ; because in these one hundred years it was filled with glory with the Great Cultural Revolution in China and became dialectically in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, stronger, more forceful, with a proletariat tanned and forged in thousands of conflicts and knowing that its responsibility is not going he only sticks to his class purposes, but also of those classes subject to being summoned to the revolution and that inevitably must travel the dictatorship of the proletariat and its final goal, communism; that has managed to put on the table of the class struggle and the wars of national liberation transcendental contributions such as that made by President Gonzalo, the people's wars in Peru, the Philippines, Turkey and India; with the strengthening of communist positions, especially in Latin America and Europe, where the vortex of the revolution is gaining a powerful force that will ineluctably collaborate in delivering the final thrust to the biting Yankee imperialism. that has managed to put on the table of the class struggle and the wars of national liberation transcendental contributions such as that made by President Gonzalo, the people's wars in Peru, the Philippines, Turkey and India; with the strengthening of communist positions, especially in Latin America and Europe, where the vortex of the revolution is gaining a powerful force that will ineluctably collaborate in delivering the final thrust to the biting Yankee imperialism. that has managed to put on the table of the class struggle and the wars of national liberation transcendental contributions such as that made by President Gonzalo, the people's wars in Peru, the Philippines, Turkey and India; with the strengthening of communist positions, especially in Latin America and Europe, where the vortex of the revolution is gaining a powerful force that will ineluctably collaborate in delivering the final thrust to the biting Yankee imperialism.

May the celebration of the Great Proletarian Revolution be, in addition, a historical recognition of the great leadership that Lenin printed to the party for the construction of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the brilliant work of Joseph Stalin to consolidate it.

May the celebration of the GREAT OCTOBER PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION become a summoning hymn to unleash the fury of the class, of the peoples, the vital effort of the communists to initiate, develop and sustain popular wars until communism, without losing perspective that leadership to this supreme goal can only be realized under the ideological guidance of the proletariat, the unwavering and vertical struggle against opportunism, revisionism and centrism.










El partido Comunista del Ecuador Sol-Rojo, saluda a nuestra todopoderosa ideología: el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo, principalmente maoísmo con los aportes de validez universal del pensamiento Gonzalo.

Saludamos al presidente Gonzalo, jefe de la fracción roja del MCI y de la revolución proletaria mundial.

Saludamos al proletariado internacional y al movimiento comunista internacional, a las guerras populares en Perú, Turquía, India y Filipinas, a los partidos comunistas que las dirigen; a los partidos marxistas-leninistas-maoístas militarizados en proceso de construcción o reconstitución cuya naturaleza de ser es la guerra popular para la construcción del nuevo poder y la derrota del imperialismo.

Saludamos las heroicas  luchas de liberación nacional de los pueblos oprimidos por el imperialismo, base y fuerza principal de la revolución mundial.

Hoy el proletariado internacional celebra los cien años del triunfo de la revolución proletaria en Rusia, y como no puede ser de otra manera, el proletariado, campesinado pobre y masas explotadas del Ecuador se suman a esta gran celebración cuyo propósito trasciende de la mera remembranza para esgrimirla como la base de todas las revoluciones verdaderas cuyo propósito final siempre será el comunismo.

No hay duda de que la revolución bolchevique bajo la correcta dirección de Lenin, tuvo la capacidad de imprimir un carácter diferente a los procesos revolucionarios que le antecedieron, no operó básicamente sobre el viejo estado como instrumento de dominación y sostén de relaciones de producción añejas, explotadoras, sino que asestó un golpe mortal a la propiedad privada sobre los medios de producción, convirtiéndola, de esa manera, en una verdadera revolución, tarea que solo y únicamente fue posible bajo la conducción ideológica del proletariado.

Celebramos los cien años de la gesta de octubre en un planeta incendiado en conflictos, con contradicciones entre los países oprimidos y opresores agudizadas al máximo; con diferencias de clase expuestos en el carácter social de la producción y la apropiación privada de ésta, cuyo carácter antagónico e irreconciliable también han sido elevados a su máxima expresión y que convoca a ser dirimidos con urgencia con guerra popular; con masas campesinas pobres, sin tierra, atadas a relaciones de producción semifeudales, serviles, que claman la alianza con su fuerza dirigente, el proletariado, para enterrar añejas formas de explotación que imperan en la mayoría de los países del orbe.

Celebramos los cien años de la gesta de octubre, precisamente cuando el imperialismo, en todas sus manifestaciones, se muestra herido de muerte, pútrido, cuya descomposición  la evidencia en la mayor agresión a los pueblos y naciones del mundo como estrategia en su nueva y dramática repartija del planeta.

Celebramos los cien  años de la gran revolución proletaria de octubre fortalecidos, porque tenemos el mejor legado de Lenin, de ese rojo octubre: la dirección y fuerza proletaria en todos nuestros propósitos; la certeza absoluta de que con correcta dirección ideológica la revolución es posible, de que el amanecer se avizora y de que el poder ya ha dejado de ser una tentación para convertirse en una realidad que se plasma poco a poco con violencia revolucionaria, con guerra popular; porque en estos cien años se llenó de gloria con la Gran Revolución Cultural En China y devino dialécticamente en marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo, más fuerte, más contundente, con un proletariado curtido y forjado en miles de lides y sabedor de que su responsabilidad no va solo se ciñe a sus propósitos de clase, sino también de aquellas clases sujetas de ser convocadas a la revolución y que inevitablemente debe transitar la dictadura del proletariado y su meta final, el comunismo; que ha logrado poner sobre el tapete de la lucha de clases y de las guerras de liberación nacional aportes trascendentales como el realizado por el presidente Gonzalo, las guerras populares en el Perú, Filipinas, Turquía y la India; con el fortalecimiento de posiciones comunistas, sobre todo en América Latina y Europa, donde el vórtice de la revolución va cobrando una fuerza poderosa que ineluctablemente colaborará en asestar la estocada final al mordaz imperialismo yanqui.
Que la celebración de la Gran Revolución Proletaria sea, además, un reconocimiento histórico a la gran dirección que imprimió Lenin al partido para la construcción de la dictadura del proletariado y el brillante trabajo de Stalin por consolidarla.

Que la celebración de la GRAN REVOLUCIÓN  PROLETARIA DE OCTUBRE se convierta en un himno convocador a desatar la furia de la clase, de los pueblos, el esfuerzo vital de los comunistas por iniciar, desarrollar y sostener guerras populares hasta el comunismo, sin perder la perspectiva de que la conducción a este supremo objetivo solo podrá realizarse bajo la guía ideológica del proletariado, la inclaudicable y vertical lucha en contra del oportunismo, el revisionismo y el centrismo.









Wednesday, November 08, 2017

PCm Italy–on the national question of Catalonia

Catalonia - Some notes and instruments for a revolutionary and class position, to guide international action and solidarity. -PCm Italy.

In order to correctly contextualise the question of Catalonia, we can not see in any way only the aspirations of a large part of the Catalan masses for independence or the peculiar characteristics that can make Catalonia a nation.
This, however necessary, would not explain why here and now this contradiction has reached a fundamental point, because it has worsened until the Spanish State is put in the dilemma between a new Franco dictatorship in Catalonia with a kind of military occupation, or national independence led by a fraction of the Catalan national bourgeoisie and the middle bourgeoisie.
Marx and Engels taught us that we must go beyond this, we have to identify the link between the development of the bourgeoisie in Spain and Catalonia and the economic and social conditions that are the foundation of the current acute shock.
Therefore, it is impossible to adequately frame the problem without considering the economic and global crisis, the inter-imperialist contradictions and the role of the Spanish State, within the scenario of a Europe under the German leadership, apart from other factors.
A first point that must be taken into account is that the aspiration to establish oneself as a nation and affirm the factor of the nation is first and foremost a necessity of the bourgeoisie, particularly in situations within the imperialist countries. It is the bourgeoisie that strives to develop economically, obstacles and barriers progressively, and demands a territorial unity to bind the working masses and the progressive movement in their car.
In the case of Catalonia, the problem is not the feudal waste, but the government of the Spanish State contains in itself a "feudal" fraction, that is, the monarchy and the post-Francoism, which, although it is not feudalism in the strict sense, it plays a role of obstacle and brake for the development of the Catalan bourgeoisie.
Another element, which is always common in national affairs and in Spain in particular, is the weight of the organization of the Church, which in Spain is the Vatican, the Roman Curia which, as it had firmly united with Franco, now firmly takes party by the Spanish monarchy and the Spanish State, and therefore interacts, feeds the aspiration of independence of Catalonia.
Another necessary element for the analysis of the contradiction in Catalonia is, as Marx and Engels taught us, the profound study of the link between the national problem and the development of the workers' movement.

Here our point of reference can only be that of France in 1848; that is, in Catalonia we do not see an imperialist domination over an oppressed people of the third world, but a situation in which Catalonia is a capitalist country, not completed in terms of an existing autonomous nation. The necessary entry of the working class into this dispute requires that it appear in the field as an autonomous force in struggle for political power.
The need for the proletariat to enter the field of the current struggle in Catalonia is within a precise definition and a concrete limitation, based on what Marx and Engels stated in the   Manifesto:  "The workers have no homeland.  We can not take away what they do not have.  As the proletariat must first acquire political supremacy, it must rise to be the ruling class of the nation, it must become a nation, until it reaches as far as to become itself national, although not in the bourgeois sense of the word.  "
Therefore, it is evident that the proletariat in Catalonia is interested in a Catalan nation as a terrain for the seizure of political power; and in this sense, even in the current clash, his way of being in favor of the independence of Catalonia is radically different from that of the bourgeoisie.
Also in Catalonia, the proletariat must be aware that a Catalonia in the hands of the bourgeoisie is not its country, it would be the homeland of the bourgeoisie and the strata of the petty and middle bourgeoisie allied, and therefore also in such Catalonia, as well In this struggle for independence, the working class must lead its struggle on the union and economic fronts, as on all fronts, to overthrow the current ruling class.
Even within the struggle for the independence of Catalonia, the working class is internationalist and points to a society in which the economy is organized on a global scale and where not only the exploitation of one nation by another disappears but the antagonism of nations as such, because this exploitation and antagonism are always characteristic of the capitalist and imperialist economies.
The working class approaches the national question as a class that fights for political power, assuming all the problems of national life and, in the case of Catalonia, the issue of independence. But this is not a separate struggle, but an integral part of the more general struggle to seize political power and the emancipation of the proletariat. (See Marx in Italy / Austria, letter to Laube, May 1848, cited in "Marxism, the national and colonial question," Stalin)

The working class - as Marx and Engels taught us - takes part in national struggles, as in the case of Catalonia, not only as a social issue but as a matter of democracy. In fact, the referendum and the right to declare the independence of Catalonia are democratic questions, supported by a fraction of the bourgeoisie itself.
It is clear - as Marx and Engels showed us - that the position of the communists and the working class can not be the same as that of the false communists, who ignore or even oppose the national question of Catalonia, taking socialist arguments the side of the Spanish State. The struggle of the working class is best developed in a situation in which there is no oppression of one nation over another, also, in the concrete case, of an imperialist country.
But, the working class also participates for another important reason. The participation of the working class as an autonomous force in the struggle in Catalonia profoundly changes the terms of the problem, highlighting the contradiction between the class interests of the Catalan bourgeoisie and the interests of the masses. That because, always, also in the current Catalonia, the bourgeoisie subordinates, and will subordinate even more, the interests of the nation to its own interest.
It is important to mention the quotation of Marx and Engels of 1849 in Neue Rheinische Zeitung (cited in Marxism, the national and colonial question, Stalin), where they point out that in the Italian dispute, Italian independence could be lost not so much by the military power of Austria but rather because of the cowardice of the Piedmontese monarchy. We can compare it with the attitude of the current President Puigdemont in Catalonia.
This is also important in order to understand the core of the point of view of Marx and Engels, who did not limit himself to defending class action as an autonomous force, but also calls to draw conclusions from the conflict  "The mass insurrection, revolutionary war , guerrillas everywhere are the only means by which few people can win a larger group, and with which a weaker army can cope with a stronger and better organized army. "

If the proletariat as an autonomous class enters the battlefield and takes this as the means to face the struggle in Catalonia, it is likely that the bourgeois fraction that currently heads the movement  "instead of allying with the masses, will prefer to negotiate peace with his worst enemy . "
Marx and Engels teach us that in the current context of the struggle in Catalonia, the participation of workers is of great importance, even if they are not fully aware and even if they were small groups. Why is this important? Because it can be the opportunity to open the way and prepare the ground for the struggle for proletarian power in Catalonia, for a socialist Catalonia.
In essence, in a developed capitalist society, and Catalonia is, even in the face of national oppression by the Spanish State, workers have no country. However, in such struggle they participate and take sides on the national side of Catalonia, to advance the struggle for the liberation of the working class, which excludes any oppression and exploitation of one nation by another. This position is different from bourgeois nationalism, which aims to continue oppressing the working class and the masses in a national context. This participation of the working class goes against the positions that, in relation to Catalonia, consider the national question as alien to the working class.
Once again, taking into account the situation in Catalonia, the need arises for communists who want to lead the working class as an autonomous force to decisively confront opportunism of the right and of the "left".
The first defend the cause of the Spanish State, arriving at the conclusion that the Spanish State is the true framework of the class struggle, which naturally leads them not to take advantage of the Catalan crisis to intensify the class struggle in the Spanish State.
The latter distance the working class from the liberation struggle in Catalonia, leaving the field free for the bourgeoisie and contributing to maintain this national struggle in the field of inter-bourgeois contradictions.
Both deviations, in fact, break the unity of the working class, which, just in the situation of the Catalan crisis, would have the opportunity to get a good solid foundation in the Spanish State and in Catalonia, which will then allow the achievement of the objectives of power proletarian and socialism.
At the same time, it is absolutely necessary in the current struggle for the national independence of Catalonia not to allow any place for a position that considers Catalonia to be something different from a developed capitalist country. This would give rise to a vision of Catalonia as a proletarian nation because it is oppressed,  which is always a characteristic of the bourgeoisie and its reactionary wing.
Therefore, the struggle of the Communists against those who prevent the working class from participating in this dispute is decisive, both in the Spanish State and in Catalonia, particularly against those who paint themselves as leftists and / or communists.

Lenin teaches us that if the Communists today abandon the immediate and decisive struggle for the democratic question of the independence of Catalonia, they will play the game of the bourgeoisie, both in the Spanish State and in Catalonia itself. In the Spanish state, because they weaken the progressive struggle for the independence of Catalonia, which without the role and participation of the working class can not win; in Catalonia, because they leave the bourgeoisie free to tie the masses in their car. On the contrary, the role and participation of the working class will allow to formulate and implement the claim of the independence of Catalonia in a revolutionary and non-reformist way, and open the way, we repeat, to a socialist Catalonia.
For this reason, even in the face of the current exacerbation of the contradiction between the Spanish State, led by the government of Rajoy, supported in various ways by the other parliamentary parties in Spain, and the Catalan government of Puigdemont, we must not be fooled by the slogans of the bourgeoisies; these tend sooner or later to establish or line up behind other imperialist powers to achieve their goals.

Saturday, November 04, 2017

An analysis of the October Revolution- on the 100th anniversary

In the final analysis, the October Revolution was not only an insurrection but a revolutionary war that lasted for several years. Consequently, in the imperialist countries the revolution can only be conceived as a revolutionary war which today is simply people’s war - Chairman Gonzalo (AKA Abimael Guzmán)

This year many Marxist groups and news outlets are giving their opinions and analysis of the October Revolution, in the former Soviet Union. The following is an analysis put together from the web site Democracy and Class Struggle:

- សតិវ​ អតុ 

Was the Russian Revolution an Event or a Process?

In the video below of Aleksandr Buzgalin of Moscow State University we can see a revolutionary process unfolding from 1905 that takes and wide variety of forms making the Bolshevik Party the most versatile in the art of full spectrum resistance to the Russian State - in fact a People's War of a Protracted type.

Below we publish an important article by Folco R on Protracted Revolutionary Peoples War which explains the theoretical and practical importance of the October Revolution as a process rather than just an event

The revolution is being built

According to common sense, the socialist revolution breaks out: it is therefore an event limited in time, an insurrection, a riot, a spontaneous popular uprising, as mentioned above. This conception has settled in the common sense because the revolutions up to a certain point in history, on the side of the popular masses, were always insurrections, spontaneous outbursts due upon the completion of the conditions that made it impossible the continuation of existing conditions.

In the common sense, anyway, next to the conception of the “revolution breaking out “the opposite conception of  “making the revolution” appears. In the first case, the masses rise up against a situation that has become intolerable. Their then is a passive movement: the popular masses are not moved by their internal transformation, but by external factors determined by the action of other classes, such as a body that moves driven by another. In the second case, the popular masses do (i.e., build) the revolution: their one is an active movement.

The activity requires consciousness: inventing, planning, examination in the course of work, stock, determination, in short, to take up our intellectual and moral faculties at the highest level, because revolution is to discover new things and invent, and because the enemy class uses any means, infamy and cruelty to maintain its power .

The two ways of understanding the revolution stand as opposites because the first leads socialist revolution to defeat, the second leads socialist revolution to success. The first way worked actually and for millennia in class-divided societies, but it stopped working in a given historical moment, namely when the conditions were ripe for the abolition of class divisions, namely in Europe in the mid-nineteenth century.

At this time the subject that leads the abolition of classes comes: it is the conscious and organized communist movement (with its political parties, trade unions and other mass organizations). The publication of the Manifesto of the Communist Party of Marx and Engels in 1848 was its “birth certificate“. The conscious and organized communist movement began to make the revolution, it only won when more or less consciously built the revolution, and when it did not do it, it learned the hard way that the revolution, then, was no longer something that breaks out.

It was a breakthrough of historic significance. For the first time in human history, social change was thought by the popular masses implementing it, and not determined by causes outside of them. Consciousness (reason and will) of human beings, their conception of the world, had taken on an unprecedented role. We can, and then we must realize the old dream of building a society and a civilization with rational method, and it is up to the working class to lead this process.(17)

This conception of the world has its foundations in the knowledge that revolution develops (it is done) as war develops (as war is promoted and conducted), and today the knowledge that it is a PRPW, experienced in the oppressed countries in a conscious way by the Chinese Communist Party.

 Under the guidance of the experience of the socialist revolution in Europe in the early twentieth century, Gramsci explains that this strategy also applies to the imperialist countries, and also to Italy.

The class struggle is a war

Gramsci describes the class struggle as a war. He says that the transition from war of maneuver (and from the frontal attack) to the war of position occurs also in the political field and criticizes Trotsky who, in one way or another, can be considered the political theorist of the frontal attack in a period in which it is only cause of defeat.(18)

With the war of maneuver or of movement Gramsci means the war of those who consider the attack as a quick and conclusive operation, as a people’s uprising in which the Communist Party took the lead. It’s a war doomed to failure in the face of an enemy which in turn carries out a planned war, with all the political and military means at its disposal in  large quantities.

For the rest of this article click here.

Friday, November 03, 2017

March in defense of the right to education in Colombia

On the 12th of October students from several public universities of Colombia marched to defend the right to education. They denounced the actions of the state that push private universities with public resources, with resources intended to support the public universities. In Medellín several youth tried to enter the Alpujarra Administrative Center, resulting in clashes with the police. 
The comrades taking part in the mobilisation also highlighted important elements, amongst other things "by overcoming the limits of bourgeois legality, two tendencies present themselves: those who reject the way of creating facts and propose to keep the struggle in the narrow legal framework, and those who want to go further, since they understand that rights can only be conquered this way."
We document some photos of the mobilisation from the comrades of Colombia:

Tuesday, October 31, 2017

Bela Lugosi (Dracula, 1931) supported the Hungarian Revolution

By សតិវ​អតុ 

Most people know that Bela Lugosi is the actor that played Dracula in the 1931 horror classic, Dracula
In both Bram Stokers book and the movie Dracula is supposed to be from Transylvania. But Lugosi is actually from Hungary.

What most people don’t know is that Lugosi help organize Hungary's National Trade Union of Actors, the world's first film actors' union. . He was also a staunch supporter of the 1919 Hungarian Revolution that briefly brought Bela Kun's Hungarian Soviet Republic into power.
That revolution only lasted for one year and then it was overthrown with the help of neighboring countries. Kun’s revolution was one of the first communist revolutions in the world, after the Soviet Union.

Because of his support for Kun, Lugosi had to sneak out of his country. He eventually ended up in the US, in 1921. His portrayal of Dracula is usually considered a favorite of both that character and of vampires by most people even today.

He had a long career and joined with Ed Woods towards the end of his life. Woods was famous for his real bad movies and his cult classic, Plan 9 From Outer Space.

Bauhaus - Bela Lugosi's Dead